On Mayday 2000, there was a mass anti-globalisation demonstration in the centre of London. Several outlets of
McDonalds, as the most visible emblem of US Capitalist "imperialism" were vandalised, and pranks including sowing grass seed as a
Mohican hairdo on the head of a famous statue took place. The pranks were very much in a sense of humour about the movement, while also showing the contempt that the protesters felt about the figures and the current regime.
With the fall of the Conservative Party, and the New Labour project rapidly turning into "
Thatcherism 2: Maggie's Student", my generation felt increasingly unrepresented and unheard. It seemed almost to be a step back to the lyric from Queen's Hammer to Fall: "For we who grew up tall and proud/ In the shadow of the mushroom cloud/ Convinced out voices can't be heard/ Just wanna scream it louder and louder and louder..." The Mayday 2000 "riot" was organised by anarchist, socialist and environmentalist groups but was taken over by activist individualists who wanted to make a point.
Although the protest was demonised in the
national media, the accounts struck a chord with me. The organisers were already saying that there would be a protest on Mayday 2001, and I made up my mind that I would be there.
The reasons for choosing Mayday were twofold: firstly because it is traditionally the Pagan/Celtic festival of Beltane (although in fact the English Mayday
is more associated with Anglo-Saxon paganism than Celtic), and through the new-age/anti-establishment (which for many of my peers automatically meant anti-Christianity) roots of the anti-globalisation movement, pagan festivals came to mean a lot to many of the protesters. But equally, on the socialist and anarchist side (who tended to be more atheist) it is also known as Labour Day or International Workers Day. Since all these causes found a common enemy in modern global capitalism, they had decided to unite on a day "sacred" to all their movements and say so.
Between May 2000 and May 2001, as noted in Part 2, for me the 1990s ended with the
election of coup by GW Bush to become President of the USA. This was seen as a huge step back for the campaign, and when Tony Blair became so chummy with Bush, it was an added kick in the teeth.
This, of course, fuelled the anger and hatred of all things
USAian (especially
rightwing, capitalist, imperialist USA - of which
Dubya was seen to be the epitome) and Mayday 2001 looked like being a major event.
It turned out to be an important day in British political protest, but for all the wrong reasons. The police,
afer the softly-softly approach to the 2000 protest, had come up with a new tactic (now known as '
kettling') to deal with us protesters. I arrived in London with my guitar and a packed lunch, at around 12:30, expecting to stay until 5 or 6pm and catch the train home again. As it turned out, I was
held prisoner until 10:30pm. I would say it was this event that really started me down the road towards feeling that peaceful protest is insufficient in modern Britain: if we are treated as criminals when we are minding our own business peacefully protesting, then what good does it do to refrain from violent protest?
2001, of course, brought us the world-changing event of September 11
th. I remember writing just a day or two afterwards a very angry, bitter song (I no longer have the lyrics or music available) about what I perceived would be the aftermath. I foresaw in the footage of Palestinians cheering a blow against the American oppressor a world in which there would be war after war, in which many many deaths on both sides would ensue, and peace would be a distant memory. I also recall that the initial assumptions in the media were that it had been a Palestinian terrorist group that was responsible - those cheering protesters in the Occupied Territories obviously lending weight to that assumption. It was only later that Al
Qaida,
Osama Bin Laden and the Taliban were fingered for it. Essentially, I also recall that the claims were never backed up. Bush and his cohorts just repeated the claims until they became the "truth". Later, of course, it appeared that there were, indeed, Al
Qaida members
responsible, but they were all Saudi Arabian citizens, not Afghans. The footage of
OBL claiming responsibility also seemed suspicious, and there is some justice in saying that I was becoming a conspiracy theorist about the whole thing (like, Bush's regime were faking them, and maybe there was no
OBL just a hate-figure created by the
neocons, like an inverse of Big Brother in
1984).
Public opposition to the war in Afghanistan was muted, and really limited to the usual suspects: anarchists, socialist groups, peace campaigners. The Taliban were, by any rational measure, a seriously evil regime and getting rid of them would be a good thing. But we on the Left made several predictions:
- It will be bad for the Afghan people, who will suffer due to the prosecution of this war
- It will not be possible to win this war quickly, and it will result in troops being there for years to come
- Democratic elections may not have the beneficial results you expect them to
The Taliban were, of course, ousted from power rather quickly, at which point the
rightwingers and supporters of the war turned around and laughed at the naysayers, saying effectively "
HAH! Proved you wrong there!"
That was 2001. It's now 2009. Has democracy greatly enhanced women's rights in Afghanistan? Only slightly. Have the Afghan people benefited much from the war being fought in their country? Not a great deal (and their major cash crop is now being destroyed regularly by the occupiers). And, of course, we are talking about sending more and more troops into the region. The anti-war campaigners have been proved right.
2002 saw me at another Mayday protest in London.After the police oppression of the 2001 protest, the organisers decided we were not going to have a big centralised protest but scatter loads of small demonstrations, events and so on throughout the day at many different locations. The whole thing seemed to me to e much lower-key than any previous demo I'd been to, and it was hard to avoid the feeling that the protest movement had (at least temporarily) had the stuffing knocked out of us by the outcome of 2001. Nevertheless, with my growing confidence in my own sexuality and with it a growing interest in the politics of sex and gender, I was finding new causes, and one event in particular that caught my eye was a carnival by the Sex Workers Union. I had not realised such an organisation existed until that day, and I wished I could have stayed longer to see more about them. but my fierce willingness to stand up for sex workers' rights probably comes from realising that sex workers are self-advocating. It was a realisation that whores aren't all victims.
This was also the era of the paedophile witch hunts in Britain, which were so effortlessly lampooned by Chris Morris'
Brass Eye Special in 2001. The hatred expressed by much of the British media at the Brass Eye special was more because they knew that the media themselves were the target of Chris Morris' satire; the moral outrage was a screen to protect themselves from the just criticism. I have always been a firm advocate of rehabilitation and reintegration as the best way to deal with sex offenders, and it was due to seeing the way witch hunts work in terms of national hysteria that forced me to this view, as much as my firm belief that even the worst criminal is still a human being and should be regarded as such. The Methodist Church is one of a few organisations that take a similar view. Of course, as I'm a sadist, many people view me as a pervert as well, and there is still a strong element in British society that would see little difference between me and a paedophile (the implications that has for women's autonomy are clear, I hope: these people think women are as powerless and incapable of making their own decisions as little children).
With even the supposed party of the left now espousing
rightwing philosophy and policy, it was no surprise that racist anti-immigration policies were drafted, that civil liberties were gleefully eroded under the guise of protecting us from paedophiles, foreigners and the like. Steve Bell's
fuel price protester cartoon captures the spirit of the reactionary grassroots movement so perfectly (the difficult-to-read caption on the right says "No DERV for
paediatricia pervs"). Some paediatricians (doctors who specialise in childhood maladies) were, indeed, targeted by lynch mobs who couldn't tell the difference between "paediatrician" and "paedophile".
2003, of course, saw the culmination of
Dubya's plan to commit another illegal war. Tony Blair earned himself the epithet "
Dubya's Lapdog" by willingly following
Dubya's lead (although, strangely, it was the lapdog who carried the
pooperscooper and cleaned up after his master's public droppings, it seemed). This was in direct opposition to the will of the British people.
I was not there on
February 15th 2003, because I was laid low by a cold virus (
manflu! I had
manflu!) - the only member of my family not to go. I watched on television, though, as somewhere between 1 and 2 million UK citizens marched through London, right past the Houses of Parliament. In any other age, they would have stormed the Palace of Westminster and wrested power from the government then and there. They didn't, because it was an entirely peaceful protest. No
kettling involved here! But equally, it was utterly ineffectual. Tony Blair ignored the protest, somehow managing to convince himself that it was an "unrepresentative minority" who were opposed to war.
If I started down the road to believing violent protest was necessary on Mayday 2001, then 15
th Feb 2003 was the culmination of that journey. If that many people could
protest peacefully, and still be ignored by the people in power, then ultimately peaceful protest could not be the whole of the movement for change. It has an important place, of course, as being the easiest way for people to say something, but it seems that it is not the way for anyone to be heard. After being a pacifist or non-violence supporter all my life, I finally decided that I needed to arm myself if I wanted there to be change.
When people talk about "radicalising" young people (they usually use the word "Muslims") and turning them to violence, they are usually talking about some bad guy leading them astray. But
the real radicalising force is oppression: the more you try to oppress a people (for instance, in response to radicalism!) the more injustice and anger you generate, and the more likely young people especially are to see that they have to do something about it. And that, ultimately, is my story of how I became the fierce person I am today.
By the time war in Iraq began, I had recovered from my sniffles (
manflu! it was
manflu!) I knew that an anti-war protest was planned for "the day war breaks out" in Brighton, which is near enough that I could get there on public transport easily enough. Therefore, I went and participated in the protest.
Anger and high spirits make a curious mixture, but typify the demo experiences that I have seen: while the point of the protest is to express and vent anger at the faceless powers that govern our lives (capitalism, corporations, our own government), yet the ways we choose to do it are full of fun and party spirit. We sang, people played drums, I had conversations with nice people - these are what typify many of the protests I went on.
And, just as with Dubya's Afghan war before it, his Iraq war saw early crowing by the neocons (anyone remember "Mission Accomplished"?) followed by the realisation that the anti-war campaigners had been right all along: it did collapse into a long, drawn-out engagement; democratic elections did not work very well, thousands of civilians were killed, the US occupying forces were not welcome (the Iraqis celebrated the fall of Saddam Hussain, but that was it), the US forces completely mismanaged the whole situation. And, of course, there were no WMD.
In 2004 my attentions were on the domestic scene, and on civil liberties. Particularly, the 2004 Licensing Act. The Musicians Union and several other organisations of live performers were campaigning against the "2 in a bar rule" that meant that unless a venue had a public entertainment licence, if any 2 people performing were joined by a third, then it was an illegal performance. This technically meant that a pub full of people singing "Happy Birthday" could result in the landlord being closed down. the MU wanted this outdated and oppressive law scrapped, and set out its case to the New Labour government.
New Labour, being as it is ultimately inclined towards authoritarianism/totalitarianism, chose to abolish the 2 in a bar rule and replace it with a "none in a bar" rule instead. Instead of being illegal to have three performers, it was now going to be illegal to have even 1 performer unless a venue was licensed for music performance. I took the time to download and read through the relevant pages of the Licensing Bill (it has since been passed into law and become the Licensing Act 2004). I organised my arguments, wrote to my MP, encouraged as many people as I could to write to theirs. The Licensing Act changed a lot of other things as well (for instance, it made the legal age to drink alcohol a flat 18, instead of having the various loopholes that actually encouraged a way of learning to drink responsibly by starting younger - this also abolished some great old traditions of English grassroots sport such as the "Jug" for a 5-wicket haul at cricket, which would often fall to some young fast bowler). The main problem was that instead of having separate licences for performance and serving alcohol and so on, there would now be a single licence to cover all these things, but you had to decide in advance when applying for your licence which things you wanted to be able to do. If you wanted to add things later, then the letter of the law would mean that you had to apply for a whole new licence. It also carried an assumption that all those who wanted to host events also wanted to serve alcohol. This instinct to take more control, and impose rigid restrictions on live music horrified the campaigners, but again, despite our objections the bill passed into law without substantial change.
Since then, my involvement in radical protest has been limited. I have written to my MP on sexual politics (decriminalising prstitution, and SM, as well as being a very vocal opponent of the extreme porn laws) and to oppose the
Abolition of Parliament Bill (so called because it would have removed Parliamentary oversight from a lot of the executive branch's decisions). My only real activism has been the organising of a protest concert as part of the campaign against the extreme porn law that was passed in 2008.
As depression has kept my laid low for a couple of years, but I have now shaken it off again, it is possible that I will be at more protests, and do more practical radicalism again, but this blog has in part been about keeping it ticking over in the meantime. It has also, of course, revitalised my sexual politics and my personal radical feminism, and the Lord knows there's plenty of activism to be done in that area. But this has been my radical history.